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"दिल चीज़ क्या है, आप मेरी जान लीजिये": Telangana CM Revanth Reddy sparks a massive appeasement row, boasting that Old City Muslims who evade power bills are now the ultimate winners of his 200-unit free electricity scheme and a four percent quota

Chief Minister Revanth Reddy presented these historical milestones as a clear report card of his party's long-term commitments to minority welfare.
 |  Satyaagrah  |  Politics
Telangana Chief Minister Highlights Minority Welfare Gains via Power Subsidies While Critics Flag Appeasement Politics
Telangana Chief Minister Highlights Minority Welfare Gains via Power Subsidies While Critics Flag Appeasement Politics

“Hindus and Muslims are like my two eyes.” These are the words repeated on several occasions by Telangana Chief Minister Revanth Reddy to project his secular stance and articulate his administration's governance approach. Addressing the Minorities Excellence Summit on 13th August, Chief Minister Reddy claimed that the Muslim minority community represents the primary beneficiary group under the state's welfare initiative that offers up to 200 units of domestic power without billing charges.

Chief Minister Cites Old City Gains Under Gruha Jyothi Scheme

Delivering his address at the summit, Revanth Reddy stated that while the residents of Hyderabad's Old City were historically accused of not clearing power dues or resorting to direct power theft, the community has emerged as the foremost beneficiary of the Congress government’s flagship Gruha Jyothi scheme.

“People say citizens in the [Hyderabad] Old City steal electricity and don’t pay bills. I can proudly say minorities have benefited the most from our 200 units free electricity scheme…For me, Hindus and Muslims are not different. Hindus and Muslims are like my two eyes. Our government is working to ensure that the Muslims get what Hindus are getting,” stated Chief Minister Reddy.

Demographically, Hyderabad’s Old City comprises a 65% Muslim majority, alongside a 30% Hindu population and smaller segments of Christian, Sikh, and Jain residents. The direct reference to the Old City's previous record regarding utility payments holds historical context within the region's energy distribution sector.

Historical Context of Utility Losses and Enforcement Challenges in Old City

The operational challenges faced by power distribution utilities in Hyderabad’s Old City have been recorded over several years:

  • 2014 CPDCL Assessment: Around 50% of the electricity supplied to the Old City area was reported as unaccounted for, largely driven by pilferage. The Central Power Distribution Company Limited (CPDCL) reported revenue losses amounting to ₹69 lakh per day. Departmental teams facing political pushback frequently reported administrative roadblocks when attempting to register formal cases.
  • Inspection Constraints: Enforcement squads observed violations where power meters were deliberately set up deep inside residential interiors rather than accessible outer areas, leading to resistance during physical checks on grounds of domestic privacy.
  • Commercial Deficits: Continued political mediation in cases involving direct hooking, tampering, and bill defaults contributed to sustained Aggregate Technical and Commercial (AT&C) deficits.
  • 2018 Statements: Revanth Reddy himself publicly noted in 2018 that numerous residential and commercial setups in the Old City were defaulting on electric utility payments.
  • 2023 TSSPDCL Figures: Reports indicated that over 20 lakh units of electricity were being stolen daily in the Old City zone, translating to an estimated annual revenue loss of approximately ₹511 crore for the state utility.

Implementation of the 200-Unit Subsidy Policy

To address rising commercial losses across state utilities like the Telangana State Southern Power Distribution Corporation Limited (TSSPDCL), the administration deployed broad welfare subsidies. In February 2024, the state government rolled out the Gruha Jyothi Scheme, extending free power up to 200 monthly units to low-income households holding valid white ration cards.

While the scheme applies across economic strata, the Chief Minister’s public emphasis that minority residents in non-paying zones have gained the most has sparked sharp debate. Critics argue that positioning non-payment zones as key welfare gainers turns an enforcement deficit into political leverage. Opponents describe this as an administration using state-funded subsidies to normalize long-standing billing irregularities and secure electoral favor, effectively assuring attendees that past compliance disputes are now absorbed by state subsidies.

Political Debate Over 4% Minority Quotas and Electoral Backing

To highlight his party’s broader policy orientation, Chief Minister Reddy maintained that the Congress party's idea of secularism is backed by legislative measures, pointing specifically to the history of the 4% reservation policy for backward Muslim groups.

Recalling the policy's origins, Chief Minister Reddy noted:

“One must recall the time when Dr Y.S. Rajasekhara Reddy (then Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh), Mohammed Ali Shabbir (a minister at the time), and Azad Sahab (who came from Delhi) assessed the condition of minorities and sought to make the youth stakeholders in the government. The Congress party stands for secularism; it views Hindus and Muslims as its two eyes. Moving beyond mere rhetoric to concrete action, and under the leadership of Sonia Gandhi, a 4% reservation was secured for minority brothers and sisters in this state.”

Reddy further stated that when Union Home Minister Amit Shah reiterated the Bharatiya Janata Party's (BJP) opposition to faith-based quotas, the Congress pledged to defend the policy from “sadak to sansad” (from the streets to the Parliament). Highlighting minority political representation, Reddy pointed out that despite no Muslim Congress candidate winning an Assembly seat in the recent state elections, former cricketer Mohammad Azharuddin was appointed as the Minister for Minorities Affairs.

Chronology of Backward Class Muslim Reservation Policies

The legal and administrative timeline regarding the minority quota in the state spans two decades:

2004: The Y.S. Rajasekhara Reddy administration issued an executive order creating a 5% quota for Muslims by categorizing them as a fifth backward class group (OBC-E). The Andhra Pradesh High Court struck down the order for exceeding the 50% ceiling mandated by the Supreme Court in Indra Sawhney v. Union of India*, which also established backwardness criteria and the creamy layer exclusion.
October 2005: The state promulgated an ordinance and enacted the Andhra Pradesh Reservation of Seats in Educational Institutions and Appointments to Public Services Act, 2005*, providing a 5% quota. A five-judge High Court bench led by then Chief Justice Bilal Nazki declared the act unconstitutional due to procedural deficits and insufficient material in the Backward Classes Commission's findings.
2007–2010: The state passed the Andhra Pradesh Reservation for Socially and Educationally Backward Classes of Muslims Act, 2007*, reducing the quota to 4% across 15 identified sub-castes to stay under the 50% legal cap. In February 2010, the High Court invalidated the measure due to identification methodologies.

  • March 2010: The state government filed a Special Leave Petition before the Supreme Court of India, which issued an interim order upholding the operation of the 4% reservation in state education and employment.
  • July 2025 Proposals: The Telangana government explored raising the overall Backward Classes quota to 42%. Muslims constitute 12.58% of Telangana’s total population, with approximately 10.08% falling under the Backward Classes category and 2.5% categorized under the Open Competition (OC) segment, alongside discussions regarding raising target quotas to 12%.

Chief Minister Revanth Reddy presented these historical milestones as a clear report card of his party's long-term commitments to minority welfare, while opposition critics argue that prioritizing targeted quotas and commercial relief in default-heavy zones demonstrates a distinct policy bias under the banner of secular governance.

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