The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) has become one of the most important pillars of Eurasian diplomacy. Once created mainly as a security forum, it now holds an agenda and reach that extend far beyond its roots as a regional security union. Established in 2001, the SCO today has eight member states, including three global heavyweights—China, Russia, and India. Positioned at the crossroads of Asia, the SCO is directly involved in some of the continent’s most pressing concerns—economic growth, political cooperation, and strategic stability.

The organization’s significance is once again visible as its annual summit is hosted in Tianjin, China, from August 31 to September 1, 2025. This gathering carries added weight because it comes at a tense time in world affairs. The global economy has been shaken by renewed U.S. tariff escalations under President Donald Trump. Regional rivalries are becoming sharper, and the international debate over whether multilateralism still has a future is increasingly charged. In such a high-stakes environment, the SCO’s deliberations will be closely watched across the world.

For India, the summit is even more significant because of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s participation. His trip marks his first visit to China in seven years, a milestone that highlights India’s renewed commitment to Eurasian cooperation. At a time when trade disputes and disruptions in global supply chains threaten the foundation of long-standing alliances, Modi’s presence sends a clear signal—India intends to play an active role in shaping Eurasia’s future.

Much of the SCO’s widened scope is linked to Modi’s leadership. His tenure has been marked by diplomatic creativity and an ambitious agenda. India has worked under his guidance to reshape the SCO into more than a security grouping. It has evolved into a platform for comprehensive, people-centered collaboration. Programs backed by India now include initiatives in digital inclusiveness, entrepreneurship, traditional medicine, youth and cultural exchanges, and even the preservation of the Buddhist legacy. This broad agenda reflects India’s belief that cooperation must go beyond security and focus on human connections and shared heritage.

Yet not all observers see value in India’s participation. Some critics claim that “India need to think about leaving the SCO since it is a Chinese-dominated organization and its membership serves no strategic, political, or economic goals.” Such opinions, however, are terribly ill-advised and shortsighted. They fail to recognize the role India has played in balancing major powers within the SCO and the opportunities it gains by shaping regional discussions from within the forum.

At the heart of Modi’s vision is the SECURE framework, which he has consistently promoted at past SCO summits. This model ties together six central elements: security, economic growth, connectivity, cultural rapport, environmental sustainability, and educational exchange. For Modi, these are not abstract ideas but cornerstones of regional peace and prosperity. By advocating this framework, he has positioned India as an architect of the SCO’s expanding mission, not merely a participant in its activities.

This article will continue by exploring Modi’s strategies, the relevance of his ambitions in today’s shifting world order, and the opportunities they create for India’s emergence as a defining power in Eurasian affairs.

A Closer Look at the SCO: From “Shanghai Five” to a Regional Powerhouse

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization is a regional multilateral body focused on economic growth and security. Its roots go back to the years after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. For China, the sudden shift raised concerns about the safety and stability of its western border, which had always been vulnerable. Beijing wanted to revive the border negotiations that former Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev had started in 1986 but left unfinished. After lengthy talks with four of the Soviet successor states—Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan—the disputes were finally settled in 1996.

To sustain this new atmosphere of cooperation, China and Russia launched the “Shanghai Five” in 1996, together with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan. The purpose was simple but critical: to maintain peace and stability along their vast shared borders. By 2000, at the Dushanbe summit, the idea of turning this grouping into a broader regional association was formally accepted. In 2001, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization officially replaced the Shanghai Five.

The SCO adopted its Charter in 2002 during a meeting of the Council of Heads of State in St. Petersburg. The Charter, which came into force on September 19, 2003, set out the organization’s aims, guiding values, structure, and areas of activity. Among its primary goals are fostering mutual trust and good neighborly relations, promoting cooperation in politics, economics, science, technology, and culture, safeguarding peace and stability, and encouraging a democratic and fair international order.

Over the past two decades, the SCO has created a strong institutional structure. Dialogue takes place at many levels—annual summits between heads of state, parliamentary meetings, and numerous ministerial-level gatherings on defense, foreign policy, internal security, economic affairs, and finance. Two permanent bodies form the organization’s backbone: the Secretariat, which has been based in Beijing since 2004, and the Regional Anti-Terrorism Structure (RATS), set up in Tashkent in 2005.

The Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) plays a key role. Established in 2004, it coordinates intelligence and joint operations against terrorism. Its duties include monitoring terrorist training centers, tracking funding sources, and promoting cooperation between member states. Today, RATS is also working to harmonize anti-terrorism laws across all SCO members. Importantly, it submits its reports not only within the SCO but also to the United Nations and other international bodies.

India and the SCO: From Observer to Full Member

India’s engagement with the SCO began in 2005, when it was admitted as an observer during the Astana Summit. As an observer, India participated actively, usually represented by its foreign minister, and saw the SCO as a useful forum to address regional concerns, especially regarding security and economics. From the beginning, India made clear its desire to eventually become a full member and play a stronger role.

However, until 2014, India’s role remained limited. For nearly a decade, it functioned mainly as an observer. This changed dramatically after Narendra Modi became Prime Minister in 2014. In September that year, during the SCO Heads of State Summit in Dushanbe, Tajikistan, India formally applied for full membership.

At that moment, India’s External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj made an important declaration: “We have given new energy and momentum to our ties with our immediate and extended neighbourhood.” She explained that the government was determined to deepen India’s involvement with the SCO and play a more meaningful role in its programs. She added, “We have submitted a formal application for full membership in the SCO to the current chair. We aim to establish a new engagement with the SCO region, using our historical ties while preparing for the difficulties of the 21st century.”

India’s push for membership received strong backing from the Central Asian Republics, which saw India as a balancing force in the group. For these states, India’s inclusion served as a soft balancer against the overwhelming weight of China and Russia, helping them pursue their multi-vector foreign policies more effectively. With this support, India’s path to full membership became smoother, and its role within the SCO began to expand significantly.

India’s Strategic Leverage in the SCO: Central Asia’s Role in Shaping Balance

From the beginning, one of the SCO’s most important goals has been to provide a structure for close cooperation with the newly independent Central Asian Republics (CARs). The aim was to ensure peace and security in a fragile region, particularly through resolving boundary disputes and confronting the threats posed by terrorist and separatist movements. This intent is clearly reflected in Article 1 of the SCO Charter, which defines the organization’s primary “goals and tasks.” It emphasizes the commitment of member nations to “jointly counteract” the three evils of “extremism, terrorism, and separatism in all their manifestations.”

India’s image as a stable democracy and its long-standing expertise in counterterrorism have significantly added to its strategic weight in Central Asia. This relevance has only grown with the SCO’s transformation into a broader security mechanism. As Aris (2009) observes, the SCO “has expanded its agenda from border security to encompass terrorism, extremism, separatism, and drug trafficking.” Such an expansion naturally enhances India’s role, since it has a strong track record in fighting these very challenges.

To strengthen this position further, New Delhi has the opportunity to work closely with the CARs through the SCO’s Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS). Through RATS, India can coordinate intelligence, training, and operational procedures with these states, thereby building recognition as a frontline power against terrorism.

India’s journey into deeper SCO involvement took a decisive turn in June 2016, when it achieved full membership. This milestone provided New Delhi with a direct and institutionalized path to build stronger ties with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. The timing was crucial: Central Asia’s importance was growing due to its location at the heart of Eurasia, its rich energy reserves, and the volatile security environment created by the Taliban’s return to Afghanistan. At the same time, the war in Ukraine had disrupted Moscow’s influence in the region, opening the door to fierce competition among external powers, including China and others. For the CARs, the best response was to pursue their ‘Multi-Vector’ foreign policies, balancing different external partners to preserve sovereignty. For India, this presented both opportunities and challenges.

Traditionally, Russia and China have dominated the SCO, using it as a platform to consolidate their influence in Central Asia. However, India’s membership introduced a third major pillar, helping to shift the organization away from a strict bipolarity and toward greater multipolarity. As research analyst Poonam Mann explained in the Air Power Journal, “India can be welcomed as the third pillar of the SCO” because its membership gives the CARs “a soft balancer against the two leading powers.” Thus, India’s strength lies not only in its own independent weight but also in enabling the Central Asian Republics to maintain more autonomy in crafting diverse foreign policies.

Central Asia as India’s Extended Neighborhood

India has always made clear that it views the CARs as part of its “extended neighbourhood.” Historical ties reinforce this outlook: trade routes, the spread of Buddhism, and Persian cultural influences all connect India and Central Asia in a deep civilizational bond. Yet geography has been unkind. Despite these linkages, “India’s transit to the region lies through Pakistan and Afghanistan, thus limiting India’s reach in a pure physical sense,” as Poonam Mann points out. This has long posed a major barrier to India’s engagement with the region.

Overcoming this requires more than just goodwill; it calls for innovative connectivity initiatives and greater global partnerships. India’s access to Central Asia has remained limited also because of irregular and insufficient high-level interactions. Until recently, there was little sustained contact between India’s prime minister, senior ministers, and the leaders of the Central Asian republics. The SCO has changed this dynamic. By offering India a multilateral forum, it has enabled consistent interactions between Indian leaders and their Central Asian counterparts, ensuring that relationships are not confined to occasional visits but become regular and institutionalized.

Central Asia’s significance lies not only in history but also in its vast energy and mineral wealth. Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan together hold some of the world’s largest oil and natural gas reserves. Kazakhstan alone controls about a quarter of the world’s uranium reserves, a critical resource for India’s expanding nuclear energy program. For a fast-growing and energy-intensive economy like India, access to these resources is vital.

Equally important is the geostrategic location of the CARs. Situated between South Asia, Eurasia, and Europe, they form a natural bridge for India’s connectivity initiatives. However, physical barriers and political obstacles have complicated access. The much-discussed TAPI (Turkmenistan–Afghanistan–Pakistan–India) gas pipeline remains stalled due to instability in Afghanistan and Pakistan. To bypass these difficulties, India has invested in alternatives like the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) and the Chabahar port in Iran. While progress has been slow, in recent years both projects have gained momentum, offering India new hope for direct connectivity.

The relationship is not one-sided. For the CARs, building ties with India offers diversification of alliances, helping them avoid overdependence on larger powers like China and Russia. For India, the benefits include stronger security partnerships, access to resources, and diplomatic leverage. Both face shared challenges such as extremism, criminal networks, and geopolitical fragility. The SCO provides a platform to formalize these partnerships into a structured framework of cooperation.

Constraints on India’s Influence

Despite these advantages, India’s influence within the SCO is not absolute. The structure of the organization itself poses limitations. As analysts note, “China and Russia retain the ability to block initiatives that do not serve their interests” because the SCO functions on consensus. This means that even promising Indian proposals can be delayed or diluted if they clash with the priorities of the larger powers.

Geography also complicates India’s ambitions. Without a direct border with Central Asia, its outreach depends heavily on difficult transit routes. Even with partial solutions like Chabahar port and the INSTC, regional instability often slows implementation.

A further complication is Pakistan’s simultaneous entry into the SCO. As Poonam Mann observes, “India and Pakistan’s simultaneous entry into the SCO created an inherent contradiction.” This rivalry often obstructs agreement on sensitive matters, limiting the SCO’s ability to take strong collective action. For India, the challenge is to navigate this environment carefully—asserting its interests without provoking deadlocks that could stall the organization.

Therefore, the future of India’s Eurasian policy will be shaped not only by bilateral ties with the CARs but also by how effectively it can operate within the institutional dynamics of the SCO. It is a delicate balancing act, filled with both risks and opportunities.

PM Modi’s Strategic Vision for the SCO

Since India became a full member of the SCO in 2017, Prime Minister Modi has consistently articulated a strategic vision that has redefined India’s role in the organization. At the 2018 Qingdao Summit in China, he introduced the “SECURE” framework, which outlines six guiding priorities: Security, Economic development, Connectivity, Unity, Respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, and Environmental protection. This vision provides a comprehensive roadmap for India’s engagement with the SCO.

Between 2017 and 2020, India actively participated in SCO activities, pushing for closer economic integration and greater use of new technologies. By highlighting collaboration in areas like artificial intelligence, improved transit regimes, and stronger trade links, India positioned itself as a leader in tech-driven multilateralism within the SCO.

In 2020, during the COVID-19 pandemic, India hosted the SCO Council of Heads of Government meeting virtually, proving its ability to lead even during a global crisis. The Modi government expanded the SCO agenda to include startups, innovation, traditional medicine, youth empowerment, digital inclusion, and cultural exchanges. These efforts made the SCO more people-oriented and adaptable to modern challenges.

India’s leadership was further demonstrated in 2023, when it held the rotating presidency of the SCO and hosted the Council of Heads of State summit virtually in July. Under its leadership, India introduced five new areas of cooperation: innovation and entrepreneurship, youth empowerment, traditional medicinal systems, digital inclusiveness, and common Buddhist heritage. This not only expanded the SCO’s agenda but also reflected India’s commitment to cultural and technological leadership.

During this period, the SCO also expanded with the admission of Iran and Belarus, marking a significant growth in its geopolitical reach. India played an active role in supporting this enlargement, ensuring that the organization remained relevant in a changing world.

Consistently, Modi has stressed the importance of sovereignty and territorial integrity, reinforcing trust among member states. India has also used its platform to highlight environmental priorities—calling for commitments to climate action, renewable energy, sustainable development, and decarbonization of transport. These efforts show how Modi’s strategic vision seeks to make the SCO both modern and people-centered, extending its scope beyond traditional security issues to the challenges of the 21st century.

The SECURE Framework: India’s Central Idea for the SCO

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has placed the SECURE framework at the center of India’s strategic engagement with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). Through this approach, he has presented a vision that goes beyond the old definition of security and opens the way for multidimensional cooperation. The framework is not limited to counterterrorism or military safety—it also covers economic development, infrastructure connectivity, cultural diplomacy, environmental sustainability, and educational partnerships. In doing so, it has allowed the SCO to evolve from a narrowly focused security platform into a more holistic and people-centered body.

What is the SECURE Framework?

The SECURE vision was first introduced by Prime Minister Modi at the 2018 SCO meeting in Qingdao, China. He explained the deeper meaning behind the acronym and broke down the six pillars. According to his explanation: S stands for citizen security, E for economic growth, C for regional interconnectivity, U for unity, R for respect for sovereignty and integrity, and E for environmental preservation.

This framework has also been strongly supported by Indian ministers. At a recent SCO meeting, Union Defence Minister Rajnath Singh highlighted Modi’s ‘SECURE’ project, describing it as proof of India’s commitment to the welfare and inclusion of the entire region. He went further to explain each element, stating that “S stands for Security of Citizens” with an emphasis on protecting the people of the SCO region. The “E denotes economic development for all”, reflecting India’s commitment to inclusive growth. “C stands for Connecting the Region”, underlining infrastructure and digital connectivity. “U stands for Uniting the People”, showing India’s intent to strengthen people-to-people ties and cultural cooperation. By summarizing these elements, Singh made it clear that SECURE is shorthand for the main ideas shaping the SCO’s evolving agenda under Modi’s leadership.

PM Modi’s Advocacy and Promotion of SECURE in SCO Forums

Since 2018, Modi has consistently emphasized the SECURE framework at SCO conferences and international meetings. His message has been that security alone cannot solve the region’s problems. For long-term peace and prosperity, member states must also cooperate on economic, cultural, and environmental fronts.

For example, during SCO summits chaired by India, Modi spoke strongly about the need to integrate innovation and startup ecosystems into the SCO’s official agenda. He has also highlighted the use of digital tools to enhance regional connectivity and inclusivity. In line with SECURE’s cultural and educational focus, he has promoted collaboration in traditional medicine, youth participation, cultural linkages, and the preservation of Buddhist heritage. These areas represent India’s unique brand of soft power and give the SCO a wider scope for cooperation.

How SECURE Has Shaped SCO’s Policies and Projects

India’s promotion of SECURE has not remained only at the level of speeches. It has led to concrete changes in SCO policies and initiatives. For example, India pushed for the creation of the SCO Working Group on Traditional Medicine and a new Task Force on Startups and Innovation, both of which have helped strengthen cooperation and economic development among member states. Such measures provide tangible benefits to ordinary people and bring new areas of focus under the SCO framework.

Since its creation, the SCO has already moved beyond its early counterterrorism role. The SECURE framework has added coherence to this transformation, giving shape to a broader set of projects that reflect shared goals across security, growth, and culture.

SCO Startup Forum: A New Pillar of Innovation

The SCO Startup Forum has become one of the most visible examples of how the SECURE agenda is being implemented. This platform connects startup communities across member states, encouraging innovation, entrepreneurship, and cooperation. The forum has three clear goals:

1. Sharing best practices to inspire entrepreneurship and build knowledge-sharing networks.

2. Bringing corporates and investors together with startups, expanding access to markets and providing business scaling opportunities. This includes social innovation ideas that can be used by governments and societies.

3. Creating transparent procurement channels to help startups provide creative solutions for public and private needs.

4. Cross-border incubation and acceleration programs, giving startups access to global markets and mentorship.

At the 2022 SCO Summit in Samarkand, Uzbekistan, members agreed to create a Special Working Group on Startups and Innovation (SWG). India had originally launched this idea in 2020, seeing entrepreneurship as essential for regional growth. After several rounds of meetings led by India’s Department for Promotion of Industry and Internal Trade (DPIIT), the group was formalized, with India chosen as its permanent head. Since then, DPIIT has organized three SCO Startup Forums, bringing together stakeholders and giving a boost to regional startup ecosystems.

SCO Cooperation on Traditional Medicine

Traditional medicine has also become a major SCO focus, thanks to India’s leadership. Under the Ministry of Ayush and India’s SCO Presidency, the B2B Conference, Expo, and National Arogya Summit were held in Guwahati in 2023. Representatives from 25 SCO nations came together to promote the role of traditional medicine in health security, economic development, and environmental protection.

During the presidency, the Ministry of Ayush also hosted the first Expert Working Group on Traditional Medicine, which finalized draft regulations on how member states would cooperate in this sector. This not only highlights India’s soft power but also provides practical avenues for healthcare cooperation in the region.

SCO Young Scientist Conclave

India has also used the SCO to give young people a bigger voice in shaping the future. The fifth session of the Heads of Science and Technology Departments of SCO members formally endorsed India’s plan to regularly organize youth-focused events. Following this, India hosted the second SCO Young Scientists Conclave from October 10–14, 2022, in a hybrid format with both in-person and virtual participation. The conclave gave young innovators a platform to showcase talent, exchange ideas, and build networks for future cooperation.

Building People-to-People Ties Through Culture

Cultural engagement has always been a central part of India’s SCO outreach. Indian literature, cinema, music, and poetry are already popular across Central Asia. Shared spiritual traditions like Buddhism, Jainism, and Sufism create deep cultural bonds that go back centuries.

India has also launched modern cultural projects under the SCO banner. In 2020, it hosted the first-ever SCO virtual 3D digital exhibition on shared Buddhist heritage. Developed by the National Museum in New Delhi in collaboration with other SCO members, the exhibition displayed rare treasures and artistic traditions from across the region. It showed how Buddhist art evolved across countries—sometimes sharing similarities, sometimes reflecting unique regional styles—creating a rich tapestry of common heritage.

Beyond culture, initiatives like telemedicine and India’s technical cooperation programs have directly helped ordinary citizens in SCO nations. These efforts underline that the SECURE framework is not just about state-to-state diplomacy, but also about making life better for people across Eurasia.

Shaping the SCO’s Future: India’s Expanding Role

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s agenda for the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is already reshaping Eurasian cooperation in a profound way. In an organization traditionally dominated by China and Russia, Modi has cleverly positioned India as both an agenda-setter and an active participant through his leadership of the SECURE framework. By consistently stressing the need for multifaceted collaboration, Modi has broadened the SCO’s scope beyond military and counterterrorism concerns. Under his guidance, the SCO is increasingly embracing technical innovation, cultural cooperation, youth empowerment, economic development, and environmental sustainability alongside hard security.

One of the most important implications of this approach is that the SCO’s identity is undergoing transformation. It is shifting from a primarily security-driven body into a more versatile and balanced organization. India’s initiatives—such as digital inclusion, startup forums, and youth innovation—encourage member states to look beyond state-centric security and invest in economic and social development. New collaborations in traditional medicine, preservation of Buddhist heritage, cultural exchanges, and education are further strengthening trust among members. Together, these measures are laying the foundation for a more dynamic and integrated Eurasian society, where soft power complements hard power and supports long-term growth【28】.

New Pathways for India in the SCO

Strengthening Security and Counterterrorism Cooperation

One of the most critical opportunities for India is to deepen its counterterrorism collaboration. The SCO’s Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) is central to this. Analysts highlight that “India’s participation in RATS has enabled it to plug into the wider Eurasian counter-terrorism network, thereby strengthening its capacity to anticipate and neutralize cross-border threats.”【29】

This platform allows India to tackle its enduring concerns over state-sponsored terrorism from Pakistan and the potential spread of radicalism from Afghanistan. Disrupting terror networks in and around Afghanistan remains a shared priority. India’s strong record of providing aid and development assistance to Afghanistan adds credibility to its involvement. Moreover, the SCO has established a special working group on Afghanistan, with members engaged in building roads, energy projects, and power infrastructure. These efforts give India an avenue to collaborate on pressing challenges like drug trafficking, terrorism, and the instability caused by the Taliban’s resurgence【30】.

Energy Partnerships and Connectivity Gains

Energy security and connectivity are equally vital opportunities. Central Asia’s hydrocarbon reserves are essential for India’s growing economy, and the SCO provides the institutional framework to engage with them. Reports note that “India’s admission into the SCO occurred with renewed discussions on energy cooperation, positioning New Delhi as a credible partner in diversifying regional energy flows.”【31】

Under the SCO umbrella, India can strengthen its efforts through projects like the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) and investments in Chabahar Port in Iran, both of which carry greater legitimacy when discussed multilaterally. SCO cooperation also enhances India’s ability to work with Russia and Kazakhstan—two of the world’s leading energy suppliers outside OPEC—helping it secure stable, long-term energy flows【32】.

Diplomatic Influence and the Push for Multipolarity

The SCO has also given India a diplomatic advantage in shaping Eurasia’s multipolar order. By balancing China and Russia, India is increasingly recognized as a constructive and stabilizing force. As one paper makes clear, “India’s constructive engagement is welcomed by the Central Asian republics, who see New Delhi as a benign actor compared to the overbearing influence of Moscow and Beijing.”【33】

This perception elevates India as a credible third pole, helping the Central Asian Republics diversify their partnerships while also strengthening India’s reputation as a responsible regional leader.

Digital Governance and Technology as Soft Power Tools

Another important pathway lies in technology. India’s proven experience in digital governance and fintech can be shared with SCO states that are seeking modernization. Analysts argue that “India’s digital initiatives, including its fintech and e-governance models, could serve as templates for Central Asian republics seeking modernization support.”【34】

This gives India a powerful soft power tool. By providing technological expertise and governance models, India can cement long-term partnerships while ensuring its influence extends well beyond security and energy.

Hurdles in India’s SCO Journey

The Pakistan Challenge and Institutional Gridlock

Despite opportunities, India faces significant challenges in the SCO. Chief among them is Pakistan. The rivalry between the two nations regularly hampers consensus-building. As research observes, “the India-Pakistan rivalry occasionally paralyzes the SCO’s consensus-driven mechanisms, limiting New Delhi’s ability to push ambitious initiatives.” This obstructionist dynamic risks undermining India’s ability to fully realize its objectives.

Balancing Between Russia and China’s Dominance

Even as India grows in importance, the SCO is still dominated by Russia and China. Analysts warn that “China and Russia retain the ability to block initiatives that do not serve their interests.” This means India’s projects—whether in connectivity or energy diversification—can be slowed or stopped if they run counter to Moscow’s or Beijing’s strategies.

Geography and BRI: Structural Limits for India

Geography also limits India’s options. With no direct land access to Central Asia, it must depend on routes through Iran and the INSTC. Any disruption to these corridors significantly reduces its reach. Additionally, India’s opposition to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) puts it at odds with much of the SCO’s economic agenda. Analysts point out that “India’s cautious approach towards the BRI isolates it within the SCO’s economic agenda, where China continues to set the terms.” This stance safeguards India’s sovereignty but also restricts its ability to shape broader connectivity debates.

Conclusion: India’s Road Ahead in the SCO

India’s involvement in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization has moved far beyond symbolism. Today, it is an important tool for advancing New Delhi’s strategic objectives in Eurasia. Through the SCO, India has been able to expand counterterrorism cooperation, strengthen connectivity projects, enhance energy security, and deepen its partnerships with the Central Asian Republics (CARs).

On the security side, the RATS mechanism has given India access to intelligence networks that strengthen its defenses against terrorism and extremism. Economically, SCO membership has opened opportunities in energy diplomacy. Central Asia, with proven reserves of over 33 billion barrels of oil and more than 350 trillion cubic feet of natural gas (BP Statistical Review, 2021), is crucial to India’s diversification strategy. Projects such as INSTC and Chabahar, though challenging, are consistent with SCO’s economic goals—even as India distances itself from the BRI.

Diplomatically, India’s presence helps balance the growing influence of China and Russia while positioning it as a democratic and developmental partner. The CARs, wary of overdependence on Beijing or Moscow, increasingly view India as a benign and stabilizing force.

Yet serious obstacles remain. Pakistan’s presence continues to complicate decision-making. China’s dominance, coupled with the SCO’s consensus-driven structure, often slows down India’s initiatives. Geography, too, is an enduring weakness, as India lacks direct access to Central Asia and must rely on unstable transit routes. The fall of Kabul in 2021 highlighted how vulnerable regional strategies remain, as even the SCO struggled to build a coherent approach to Afghanistan.

Looking forward, India’s influence in the SCO will depend on how well it can convert opportunities into concrete results. By focusing on niche areas—digital governance, fintech, medicines, and capacity building—while doubling down on energy diplomacy and connectivity projects, India can consolidate its role as a key Eurasian stakeholder.

In summary, the SCO has given India visibility, leverage, and influence at a time of shifting global alignments. The challenge now is for India to sustain this role—balancing power rivalries, promoting peace, and deepening its footprint in Eurasia’s resource-rich and geopolitically sensitive heartland.

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34. Ibid