On July 13, 2026, demonstrators affiliated with the Qaumi Insaaf Morcha organized a march toward the home of Kewal Singh Dhillon, the president of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Punjab, located in Barnala. The primary objective of the group was to push for the release of various Sikh detainees, often referred to within political and religious circles as the ‘Bandi Singhs’.

During the event, the organizers warned that their campaign would grow in scope, specifically pointing toward potential demonstrations coinciding with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s scheduled trip to Haryana. Representatives from both the Shiromani Akali Dal (Amritsar) and the Krantikari Kisan Union joined the gathering in support of the cause.

Nine days following the event in Barnala, Balwant Singh Rajoana—who was convicted and sentenced to death for his part in the assassination of former Punjab Chief Minister Beant Singh—sent a written communication to the acting Jathedar of the Akal Takht. According to reports regarding the letter, Rajoana requested that the Sikh leadership take steps to formally withdraw the mercy plea submitted on his behalf, or alternatively, summon BJP leaders of Sikh background to clarify why his legal status has remained unresolved over such an extended duration.

Later that month, on July 29, supporters of Amritpal Singh, the incarcerated Member of Parliament from Khadoor Sahib, organized a rally heading toward Chandigarh under the banner of Akali Dal Waris Punjab De. The gathering demanded the immediate freedom of Amritpal Singh alongside the other ‘Bandi Singhs’.

As demonstrators attempted to push past established police lines, law enforcement utilized water cannons to manage the situation. Video footage showing a participant climbing atop a law enforcement water-cannon unit was widely shared across online social networks.

Taken as a whole, these events reflect how the effort surrounding the so-called "Bandi Singhs" has expanded far beyond routine courtroom appeals for individual detainees. It has gradually transformed into an ongoing political mechanism throughout the state of Punjab.

The Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee (SGPC) utilizes the platform to reinforce its leadership role regarding religious and Panthic matters. Concurrently, the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) leverages the issue in an effort to rebuild its standing among traditional voters after experiencing setbacks during its prior terms in government. The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) attempts to demonstrate an understanding of public sentiment while exercising caution regarding regional public safety. Meanwhile, figures within the Congress party—despite the fact that a former chief minister from their own party was assassinated—have voiced support for releasing individuals who have supposedly "completed their sentences." The BJP continues to balance national security considerations with public outreach toward Sikh communities. Consequently, the subject of the "Bandi Singhs" functions as a central negotiation point within the broader political landscape of Punjab.

By adopting the terminology "Bandi Singh," political entities have managed to bypass more challenging discussions regarding the underlying offenses of the individuals in question. The most widely recognized figures associated with the campaign are not conventional political activists detained for peaceful advocacy. Instead, the group includes individuals convicted of severe offenses, including the murder of a state chief minister, fatal public bombings, structural conspiracies, illegal explosive usage, and coordinated prison escapes. While the original campaign list introduced in 2013 focused on nine specific prisoners, the directory has since grown to include individuals currently undergoing trial for targeted killings of public and political figures.

Understanding the Term ‘Bandi Singhs’

In a literal sense, the word "Bandi" translates to a captive or detainee. The phrase "Bandi Singh" was introduced by various Sikh religious and political organizations to describe Sikh prisoners whom they designate as political detainees. It is worth noting that this phrase is not recognized as a formal legal classification; rather, it was developed as a descriptive term to build broader public empathy.

The Primary Figures Identified as Bandi Singhs

The core focus of the SGPC’s initiative remains centered on nine primary individuals:

• Gurdeep Singh Khera

• Devinder Pal Singh Bhullar

• Balwant Singh Rajoana

• Jagtar Singh Hawara

• Jagtar Singh Tara

• Lakhwinder Singh Lakha

• Gurmeet Singh

• Shamsher Singh

• Paramjit Singh Bheora

In January 2023, the SGPC publicly announced that it would grant each of these nine individuals a monthly stipend of Rs 20,000 alongside comprehensive legal support.

Over time, broader lists have incorporated a much larger number of names. In 2014, Advocate Jaspal Singh Manjhpur compiled a directory featuring 85 "Sikh political prisoners." The SGPC has also modified its internal figures to encompass 22 specific detainees. More recent compilations include names such as Jagtar Singh Johal, Hardeep Singh Shera, Ramandeep Singh Bagga, and Dharminder Singh Gugni, despite the fact that these individuals are largely undertrials involved in ongoing National Investigation Agency (NIA) proceedings rather than life-sentence convicts seeking early release or remission.

In essence, there is no single, universally accepted directory. Independent non-governmental organizations and political groups continuously modify their own lists depending on their specific objectives. For instance, Akali Dal Waris Punjab De—the party led by jailed pro-Khalistan MP Amritpal Singh—has integrated his name into their material. As a result, these directories expand or shrink based on the strategic goals of the organizations involved.

Varying Legal Classifications Grouped Under One Label

The general term combines at least four separate legal categories:

1. Death-Row Convicts: Individuals who have received capital punishment sentences, most notably Balwant Singh Rajoana.

2. Life Convicts Requiring Executive Action: Individuals serving life sentences—such as Hawara, Bhullar, and Khera—whose release depends on legal remission, commutation, or executive clemency from competent authorities.

3. Individuals on Extended Parole: Detainees who are already serving permanent parole or have been conditionally released, but remain central to the political discourse.

4. Undertrial Detainees: Individuals facing active trials, such as Johal, Shera, Bagga, and Amritpal Singh, whose advocates seek bail or an end to prolonged pre-trial custody before court proceedings reach a verdict.

While supporters frequently contend that many of these individuals have "completed their sentences," this description does not align with standard legal frameworks. A fixed ten-year term concludes upon the expiration of those ten years, taking into account actual time served and accrued remissions. However, a life sentence does not automatically terminate after 14 or 20 years.

The Supreme Court of India has established across multiple rulings that a sentence of life imprisonment legally extends for the remainder of a person's natural life, unless explicit executive commutation or remission is granted by the appropriate government. While 14 years serves as a statutory minimum threshold required before an individual can be evaluated under state remission policies, it does not function as an automatic release point.

Understanding these statutory procedures is essential because the political narrative relies heavily on the assertion of a "sentence completed." This phrasing suggests that correctional facilities are holding individuals past their court-mandated release dates. In most high-profile cases, that representation is inaccurate. The individuals are serving valid life or death sentences and are seeking discretionary executive decisions to reduce those terms.

The Position of Victims in the Political Discussion

Public advocacy surrounding the release campaign frequently features photographic narratives of aging inmates, family members of undertrials, elderly parents, religious assemblies, and appeals centered on humanitarian considerations. Conversely, the individuals killed or injured during the underlying events receive far less focus in public discussions.

On August 31, 1995, a fatal suicide bombing resulted in the death of then-Punjab Chief Minister Beant Singh alongside 16 other individuals, while roughly twelve others sustained injuries. In its official judgment, the Supreme Court noted that Rajoana and his co-accused were tried for conspiring to organize and execute the attack. Rajoana, Hawara, Gurmeet Singh, Lakhwinder Singh, and Shamsher Singh were among those convicted in 2007, 13 years following the incident.

In a separate matter, Devinder Pal Singh Bhullar was convicted for his involvement in the 1993 vehicle bombing in Delhi aimed at Indian Youth Congress president M.S. Bitta. The attack resulted in nine fatalities and injuries to numerous bystanders. Bhullar's original death sentence was subsequently commuted to life imprisonment by the judiciary due to the extensive administrative delay in processing his clemency application.

While standard evaluations for parole or executive remission typically take into account factors such as time served, age, institutional behavior, and medical health, legal standards also require evaluating the gravity of the offense, its broader impact on public safety, the potential for political glorification, and the rights of the victims. However, the rhetoric utilized by release campaigns often frames these convicted individuals as representatives of the wider community, depicting opposition to their release as indifference toward the community itself.

Detailed Breakdown of the Nine Inmates Supported by the SGPC

Seven of the nine primary prisoners highlighted by the SGPC were convicted in relation to the assassination of Beant Singh, while the remaining two were sentenced in connection with separate bombing incidents.

• Balwant Singh Rajoana: A former member of the Punjab Police, Rajoana was convicted for his role in the conspiracy to assassinate Chief Minister Beant Singh and was awarded the death penalty by a special CBI court in 2007. This verdict was subsequently upheld by the Punjab and Haryana High Court. Unlike co-convict Hawara, Rajoana chose not to appeal his capital sentence. His execution was originally set for March 31, 2012, but was stayed after the SGPC submitted a mercy petition to the President of India. Rajoana has repeatedly stated that he did not personally request clemency, demanding that the SGPC withdraw the petition if a final resolution cannot be reached. In 2019, the Union Home Ministry indicated that a proposal regarding sentence commutation under Article 72 would be processed. However, the Supreme Court noted in 2023 that this communication did not constitute a final legal commutation, declining to alter his sentence based strictly on delay after reviewing the Union Government's decision to defer the matter. As of July 2026, he remains classified as a death-row inmate, with his legal status remaining a frequent point of political discussion across parties.

• Jagtar Singh Hawara: Also awarded a death sentence in the Beant Singh assassination case, Hawara had his punishment commuted to life imprisonment by the Punjab and Haryana High Court in 2010. On January 23, 2004, Hawara escaped from Burail Jail by constructing a tunnel alongside Paramjit Singh Bheora, Jagtar Singh Tara, and another inmate, before being recaptured in 2005. While often romanticized in factional propaganda, the escape was a structured jailbreak by individuals serving sentences for murder and terrorism. In May 2025, Hawara was acquitted in a separate arms and explosives trial, which his legal team noted concluded the final pending case against him out of 32 total charges; however, this acquittal did not alter his existing life sentence for the 1995 assassination. In 2015, an informal assembly designated him as Jathedar of the Akal Takht, a title not recognized by the SGPC establishment. In February 2026, a public gathering in his home village called upon the Punjab state administration to grant him temporary parole to visit his family, an event attended by figures such as Simranjit Singh Mann and former Akal Takht Jathedar Giani Harpreet Singh.

• Jagtar Singh Tara: Prosecuted for his involvement in the 1995 assassination plot, Tara fled Burail Jail during the 2004 escape and evaded authorities abroad until his apprehension in Thailand and subsequent extradition to India in 2015. A Chandigarh court convicted him in 2018, sentencing him to life imprisonment. He remains a central figure in release campaigns and receives financial and legal backing from the SGPC as part of their primary group of nine. Over time, he has been granted limited, supervised parole for specific family matters.

• Lakhwinder Singh Lakha: Known also as Lakha or Hero, Lakhwinder Singh was convicted of murder, attempted murder, conspiracy, and violations under the Explosive Substances Act tied to the Beant Singh case. In custody since 1995, he has periodically utilized temporary parole. Advocacy groups frequently cite his decades in prison as a rationale for release. Legally, however, as a life convict, his total duration of confinement makes him eligible for review under executive remission guidelines, but does not grant an automatic termination of his court-imposed sentence.

• Gurmeet Singh alias Meeta Engineer: Convicted alongside co-defendants in the Beant Singh case for murder, attempted murder, and conspiracy, Gurmeet Singh has been incarcerated since 1995. He has accessed parole periods and pursued legal avenues for premature release. Campaigners often use his professional title, "Meeta Engineer," when referencing his case. While his technical background is frequently highlighted in advocacy literature, his formal conviction by the judiciary for participation in a conspiracy that claimed 17 lives remains unchanged.

• Shamsher Singh: A resident of Patiala district, Shamsher Singh received a life sentence for his role in the 1995 assassination. Records maintained by advocacy groups show he has been held since 1995 and has taken advantage of short-term parole options. His legal petitions are typically grouped alongside those of Lakha and Gurmeet, given their shared conviction, shared location at Burail Jail, and concurrent efforts toward executive release.

• Paramjit Singh Bheora: Convicted and awarded a life term for his role in the Beant Singh case, Bheora was one of the individuals who broke out of Burail Jail in January 2004. Following his escape, he remained at large until his re-arrest by law enforcement authorities in March 2006.

• Devinder Pal Singh Bhullar: Convicted by a specialized TADA court for his role in the September 1993 car bombing in Delhi that caused nine fatalities, Bhullar was initially sentenced to death. In 2014, the Supreme Court commuted his sentence to life imprisonment due to significant delays in evaluating his executive clemency petition and related health concerns, while keeping the underlying conviction intact. After being transferred to a facility in Punjab, he received medical care and multiple parole periods. Although included in the Union Government's 2019 remission document, his permanent release required approval from the relevant Delhi administrative bodies. The Delhi Sentence Review Board reviewed his application on December 23, 2025, leading to a formal rejection communicated by Delhi authorities in February 2026. M.S. Bitta, who survived the 1993 attack, publicly opposed Bhullar's release, citing security risks. The application was ultimately turned down under both AAP and BJP administrative reviews in Delhi.

• Gurdeep Singh Khera: Arrested in 1990, Khera received two separate life sentences connected to bombing incidents in Delhi and Karnataka under TADA, alongside murder and conspiracy charges. While Delhi authorities granted relief regarding his sentence in that jurisdiction, his conviction in Karnataka remained active. He was subsequently transferred to an Amritsar facility on humanitarian grounds and granted periodic parole. Although Punjab authorities could host him and submit recommendations, they lacked the statutory authority to unilaterally revoke a sentence mandated by a Karnataka court. Khera was listed among the eight individuals in the Union Home Ministry's 2019 communication, though implementation still hinged on action from the specific jurisdiction responsible for the sentencing.

The Union Government’s 2019 Announcement

In September 2019, coinciding with the 550th birth anniversary of Guru Nanak Dev, the Union Government issued a communication proposing special remission for eight Sikh prisoners and noting that a commutation proposal for Balwant Singh Rajoana’s death sentence would be processed separately under Article 72.

The Supreme Court formally listed these eight names in a 2023 order:

1. Lal Singh alias Manjit Singh

2. Devinder Singh Bhullar

3. Subheg Singh

4. Nand Singh

5. Harjinder Singh Kali

6. Waryam Singh alias Sabir alias Giani

7. Gurdeep Singh Khera

8. Balbir Singh

Rajoana was designated as the ninth individual under consideration for capital sentence commutation.

While significant in public political discourse, the communication required additional statutory steps to take full effect. Under constitutional frameworks, such as Article 161 regarding gubernatorial clemency, individual cases fall under different regional jurisdictions, central investigative bodies, or specialized statutes. Consequently, while the central administration could offer concurrence, final release orders required the completion of specific state and judicial processes.

Additional Names Associated with the Advocacy Lists

Beyond the primary nine cases, broader directories were created over subsequent years. A prominent list compiled by Advocate Jaspal Singh Manjhpur in November 2014 cataloged 85 individuals described as "Sikh political prisoners" across various facilities. This catalog included one death-row inmate, 17 life convicts, and 67 individuals serving fixed terms, facing active trials, or held in pre-trial detention.

• Lal Singh alias Manjit Singh: Sentenced to life imprisonment under TADA, the Explosive Substances Act, the Arms Act, and conspiracy provisions.

• Dilbagh Singh: Received a life term for murder, theft under IPC Section 382, and TADA offenses.

• Swaran Singh: Sentenced to life for murder, attempted murder, and TADA violations.

• Balbir Singh alias Bira alias Bhootna: Serving a life sentence for murder, attempted murder, and Arms Act charges.

• Subheg Singh: Awarded a life term in a Chandigarh matter involving murder, robbery, theft, and conspiracy.

• Hardeep Singh: Sentenced to life imprisonment for murder, rioting, unlawful assembly, and related TADA and Arms Act charges.

• Baj Singh: Listed as a life convict held since 1993 under TADA provisions.

• Waryam Singh: Received a life term from a TADA court in Pilibhit for conspiracy and related offenses.

• Gurmeet Singh Fauji: Recorded as a life convict imprisoned since 1995 for murder under IPC Section 302.

• Daya Singh Lahoria: Listed as a life convict incarcerated since 1995 under a TADA conviction.

• Harjinder Singh Kali: Sentenced to ten years of rigorous imprisonment in a TADA proceeding originating in 1987.

• Bakhsish Singh Baba: Awarded ten years of rigorous imprisonment in an attempted murder case under IPC Section 307.

• Pal Singh France: Received a ten-year sentence under the Explosive Substances Act while facing two active UAPA matters.

• Gurmukh Singh: Sentenced to ten years under the Explosive Substances Act with one pending UAPA case.

• Makhan Singh Gill: Serving a ten-year term under the Explosive Substances Act while facing four additional UAPA cases.

• Darshan Singh Baba: Sentenced to ten years in a UAPA matter with another UAPA case pending.

• Jagmohan Singh: Received a ten-year UAPA sentence alongside an active UAPA charge.

• Gurpreet Singh Khalsa, Harminder Singh, and Ravinder Singh Rinku: Listed in connection with the Shingar Cinema bombing incident, held in custody since December 2007.

Other individuals appearing in extended documentation include Bapu Maan Singh, Baba Balbir Singh, Bapu Harbhajan Singh, Bapu Balwinder Singh, Bapu Mohan Singh, Bapu Saroop Singh, Bapu Avtar Singh, Bapu Sewa Singh, Harpreet Singh alias Pintu, Karanjit Singh, Mohinderpal Singh, Daljit Singh Coach, Amarjit Singh, Kewal Singh Sondh, Narain Singh Chaurra, Harnek Singh Bhapp, Rattandeep Singh, Harminder Singh Mintu, Ramandeep Singh Goldy, and Gurpreet Singh alias Gopi.

Newer Cases and Undertrials: The Case of Jagtar Singh Johal

The inclusion of Jagtar Singh Johal highlights how the campaign's scope has shifted over time. Johal is not part of the initial nine core life convicts from the 1980s or 1990s seeking remission. A British national arrested in 2017, he faces multiple prosecutions brought by the NIA regarding targeted killings of political and religious figures in Punjab during 2016 and 2017.

According to investigative findings, state agencies allege that Johal participated in a broader conspiracy linked to the Khalistan Liberation Force, assisting with financing, logistics, and recruitment activities. In a 2022 ruling declining his discharge plea, the Punjab and Haryana High Court highlighted NIA assertions that these targeted attacks were designed to disturb regional law and order. The court noted that the special tribunal found sufficient prima facie material to proceed on allegations of conspiracy and facilitation—a procedural determination at the charge stage rather than a final verdict.

While Johal was acquitted in a separate Punjab Police matter in March 2025, his pending NIA prosecutions remained active. By February 2026, witness testimony was actively being recorded in Delhi courts regarding those cases, while his bail applications remained under consideration by the Supreme Court. While advocates point to prolonged pre-trial detention and allege procedural irregularities, state agencies maintain that he played an active role in a transnational conspiracy. Legally, he remains an undertrial accused rather than a convicted prisoner, meaning an acquittal in one specific case does not conclude his other pending proceedings.

Other Undertrials Included in Recent Advocacy Lists

• Hardeep Singh Shera: Accused by the NIA of acting as a primary shooter in the 2016–2017 targeted killing cases alongside co-accused Ramandeep Singh Bagga across Ludhiana and Jalandhar. By February 2026, Shera appeared before a special NIA court in Delhi as prosecution witnesses provided evidence across several murder and attempted murder charges. He remains an undertrial facing active charges rather than a long-term life convict.

• Ramandeep Singh Bagga: Chargesheeted alongside Shera and Johal, Bagga is accused by the NIA of direct involvement in targeted attacks aimed at destabilizing regional security. His court proceedings continued before the special NIA tribunal through 2026.

• Dharminder Singh alias Gugni: Named among the accused in the Amit Arora attempted murder case, Gugni filed a separate discharge application that was addressed alongside Johal's proceedings. Investigators allege he provided logistical and weapons support to the network. As an undertrial facing terrorism-related charges, his case remains subject to judicial determination.

Amritpal Singh and the Political Expansion of the Movement

Amritpal Singh represents a distinct category within the broader debate. He is not part of the SGPC's original list of nine, was not included in the 2019 central government communication, and is not seeking remission following a completed life sentence. Instead, he is a pro-Khalistan figure, the elected Lok Sabha MP for Khadoor Sahib, and an undertrial whose ongoing detention has been integrated into the "Bandi Singh" advocacy platform.

Amritpal assumed leadership of Waris Punjab De in 2022. While supporters described his efforts as focused on anti-drug campaigns and religious advocacy, law enforcement agencies accused him of radicalization and armed mobilization.

On February 23, 2023, Amritpal and a large group of supporters gathered at the Ajnala police station demanding the release of associate Lovepreet Singh alias Toofan. According to law enforcement filings, an armed crowd forced its way into the police complex, resulting in injuries to personnel and property damage. Charges filed in connection with the incident included attempt to murder, rioting, assault on public servants, and Arms Act violations. Authorities also noted that the crowd carried the Guru Granth Sahib during the march, creating significant operational challenges for police officers on site.

Following a multi-week search during a state-wide police operation in March 2023, Amritpal was apprehended in April. He was initially detained under the National Security Act (NSA) and transferred to Dibrugarh Jail in Assam. While held in custody, he contested and secured victory in the 2024 Lok Sabha election representing Khadoor Sahib. Upon the conclusion of his third NSA detention order on April 22, 2026, Punjab Police formally arrested him the following day in connection with the Ajnala incident, placing him in judicial custody.

His connection to the release campaign became explicit on July 29, 2026, when Akali Dal Waris Punjab De organized demonstrations demanding freedom for both Amritpal and the traditional "Bandi Singhs." This development demonstrates how the campaign's focus has broadened from historic remission claims to encompass active undertrials holding current political positions.

Historical Development of the Release Movement

The structured mobilization surrounding Sikh prisoners gained momentum prior to the establishment of the permanent Qaumi Insaaf Morcha site. In November 2013, Gurbaksh Singh Khalsa initiated a 44-day hunger strike at Gurdwara Amb Sahib in Mohali focused on a small group of detainees, helping shift separate legal cases into a unified public issue. A second fast followed in 2014, after which Bapu Surat Singh Khalsa started a long-term protest in January 2015. These demonstrations popularized the argument that Sikh inmates remained confined despite "completing" their sentences, combining life convicts, fixed-term prisoners, and active undertrials into a single public narrative.

The SGPC subsequently gave the movement formal institutional backing. In December 2022, the organization launched a statewide signature drive, reporting that it collected approximately 26 lakh forms. In November 2023, an SGPC delegation submitted these documents to the Governor of Punjab for transmission to the President of India.

On January 7, 2023, the Qaumi Insaaf Morcha established a long-term protest encampment near the Chandigarh-Mohali border. The site brought together religious organizations, families of detainees, Nihang orders, farmer unions, and political figures. Over time, the encampment's platform expanded beyond prisoner releases to encompass calls for legal action regarding past sacrilege incidents and related police firing cases.

Incidents of Friction and Violence During Demonstrations

While organizers describe the advocacy as a peaceful humanitarian initiative, several public demonstrations have led to clashes with law enforcement personnel and damage to public infrastructure.

A significant confrontation occurred on February 8, 2023, at the Chandigarh-Mohali border when demonstrators attempted to cross barricades toward the Punjab Chief Minister’s official residence. After law enforcement used water cannons to disperse the crowd, the situation escalated. Approximately 33 police and Rapid Action Force personnel sustained injuries. According to official reports, some individuals used swords, wooden rods, and metal pipes to strike officers and damage equipment, including a water cannon unit, riot-control vehicles, police cars, and a fire engine.

Chandigarh Police subsequently filed an FIR against seven named individuals and numerous unidentified participants on charges including attempt to murder, rioting, and violations of the Arms Act and the Prevention of Damage to Public Property Act. Police reports stated that demonstrators seized a tear-gas launcher alongside ammunition during the event. Representatives of the Morcha denied the claims, alleging that law enforcement brought false charges. The police filing named figures such as Gurcharan Singh—described as Hawara's foster father—alongside advocate Amar Singh Chahal and other organizers.

A similar incident occurred in January 2025 during another march heading toward Chandigarh. Authorities stated that roughly 100 individuals carrying sharp weapons bypassed perimeter barriers and threw stones at officers, resulting in injuries to three personnel. Police deployed water cannons, tear gas, and physical dispersal tactics, temporarily detaining several participants.

Use of Toll Plaza Blockades as Pressure Tactics

By January 2026, the Qaumi Insaaf Morcha and collaborating farmer unions expanded their operational methods by occupying toll plazas across multiple districts, allowing vehicular traffic to pass without paying fees for three-hour intervals. Demonstrators indicated the initiative was aimed at impacting up to 49 toll locations while raising the possibility of future road blockades.

While these actions created financial and operational disruptions for travelers and infrastructure operators, they did not alter the formal legal frameworks governing prisoner remissions. Instead, the primary function of these blockades was to draw public attention and maintain momentum for the campaign's objectives.

Demonstrations Involving Amritpal Singh Supporters in July 2026

The march on July 29, 2026, led to renewed friction at the Chandigarh border. Police deployed water cannons as supporters of Amritpal Singh pressed against law enforcement barricades, during which a demonstrator climbed onto an active water cannon vehicle while the crowd called for the release of both Amritpal and the traditional "Bandi Singhs." The incident demonstrated how the methods used in earlier prisoner release campaigns have been adopted by newer political organizations.

Institutional backing by the SGPC

The SGPC has played an active role in supporting the release movement. Beyond issuing formal public statements, the committee provides structured financial and legal backing to the specified individuals.

In January 2023, the SGPC approved a monthly grant of Rs 20,000 for each of the core nine prisoners, formed a six-member legal advisory panel, and signaled an intent to present these matters before international forums. In its 2024–25 budget, the committee designated Rs 60 lakh toward legal fees associated with Sikh detainees alongside Rs 40 lakh for monthly stipends.

The SGPC also frequently contrasts the status of these prisoners with that of Dera Sacha Sauda leader Gurmeet Ram Rahim, pointing to the temporary paroles and furloughs granted to him as an example of disparate treatment. While these two categories involve distinct legal contexts and jurisdictions, the comparison remains a frequent point of discussion in regional political debates.

The committee's most direct involvement relates to Balwant Singh Rajoana. By submitting the 2012 mercy petition that halted his scheduled execution, the SGPC prevented the sentence from being carried out at that time, though the filing ultimately left the matter unresolved for years. Rajoana has since criticized the institutional leadership, alleging that the ongoing legal ambiguity has prolonged his imprisonment against his personal wishes.

Political Positions Across Parties in Punjab

• Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD): The SAD positions itself as a primary political proponent for the prisoners, advocating for the full implementation of the Union Government's 2019 communication while criticizing rival parties. In February 2023, SAD president Sukhbir Singh Badal disputed statements by Union Minister Gajendra Singh Shekhawat regarding the number of released prisoners, stating that a list of 22 cases had been formally presented to federal authorities while drawing comparisons to remissions granted in the Rajiv Gandhi assassination case. However, the SAD faces questions regarding why these cases remained unresolved during its long tenure in state government and its former partnership with the BJP. Observers note that the party's increased focus on the issue followed its reduced vote share in the 2022 Assembly elections, serving as part of an effort to re-engage traditional Panthic voters.

• Aam Aadmi Party (AAP): Prior to assuming office in Punjab in March 2022, AAP representatives expressed support for evaluating release petitions on humanitarian grounds. Following its election victory, Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann's administration faced direct pressure regarding local demonstrations, parole decisions, and administrative recommendations. While state party spokespersons have reiterated that individuals who have "completed their sentences" should be released, the administration has maintained a cautious approach regarding specific cases involving past high-profile acts of violence or prison escapes. Chief Minister Mann has frequently criticized past SAD leadership for failing to resolve these matters during their terms in office. Simultaneously, the Qaumi Insaaf Morcha has directed protests toward the current state government, establishing deadlines for parole approvals such as the February 2026 gathering regarding Hawara. Additionally, the handling of Devinder Pal Singh Bhullar's case created political challenges for AAP, as the Delhi Sentence Review Board rejected his release application while the party held administrative responsibility in Delhi.

• Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP): The BJP's approach balances national security considerations with public outreach. The central government issued the September 2019 notification proposing special remissions and initiating the review of Rajoana's death sentence. However, federal authorities subsequently defended the decision to defer a final determination on Rajoana's commutation in court, citing sensitivity and security assessments—a position upheld by the Supreme Court. During outreach efforts in Punjab, Union Minister Gajendra Singh Shekhawat engaged with SGPC forms regarding eligible prisoners, stating the central administration remained open to legal reviews. However, release advocates argued these steps were insufficient. The tension in the party's position was highlighted by Bhullar's case: while party representatives suggested humanitarian consideration in 2025, the review board ultimately rejected the application, leading to renewed protests outside BJP state offices in July 2026.

• Indian National Congress: The Congress party occupies a complex position on the issue, given that former Chief Minister Beant Singh was assassinated during its administration in 1995. While figures such as M.S. Bitta—a survivor of the 1993 Delhi bombing—have consistently opposed early releases on safety grounds, several state Congress leaders have adopted language calling for the release of those who have "completed their terms." In March 2026, Punjab Congress president Amrinder Singh Raja Warring raised the topic in the Lok Sabha, advocating for the release of long-serving inmates regardless of background while accusing political rivals of delaying executive reviews. This platform remains complicated by figures like Ravneet Singh Bittu, Beant Singh's grandson, who departed Congress to join the BJP, creating ongoing debates between the parties regarding the legacy of that era.

• Shiromani Akali Dal (Amritsar) and Hardline Factions: For Simranjit Singh Mann and the SAD (Amritsar), advocacy for the prisoners aligns directly with their core political platform. The party actively participates in public gatherings supporting figures like Hawara and Rajoana while challenging state handling of these cases. This position allows hardline groups to question the credentials of mainstream parties, accusing the SAD of compromise during its central coalition years, AAP of strict law enforcement measures, and Congress of past security policies. The political entry of Amritpal Singh has added another dynamic to this space, as his supporting organization competes for a similar constituency.

• Farmer Unions: The involvement of various farmer unions has expanded the operational reach of the release movement. Groups that developed organizational capacity during the 2020–21 agricultural demonstrations later provided logistical support for the Qaumi Insaaf Morcha's public gatherings and toll plaza blockades. For example, the Krantikari Kisan Union participated in both the January 2026 toll actions and the July 2026 demonstrations in Barnala. While some union leaders frame their involvement as advocacy for civil liberties and consistent legal procedures, others operate closely within broader Panthic political networks. Their participation provides the movement with additional mobilization capacity across rural districts.

Arguments Surrounding Disparate Treatment and Legal Frameworks

Advocates frequently draw comparisons between the treatment of "Bandi Singhs" and other high-profile convicts, most notably Dera Sacha Sauda leader Gurmeet Ram Rahim, arguing that frequent temporary releases granted to certain individuals reflect an uneven application of state discretion. While administrative decisions regarding parole and furlough are subject to judicial review to ensure consistency, legal experts emphasize that equal treatment under the law requires applying established statutory criteria rather than granting blanket releases.

The primary argument of the release campaign relies on a common misunderstanding regarding the legal definition of life imprisonment. Under Indian law, a life sentence does not automatically conclude after 14 years; it extends for the duration of the convict's natural life unless explicitly commuted by a competent authority. Section 433A of the Code of Criminal Procedure established a mandatory minimum of 14 years of actual confinement before certain categories of life convicts become eligible to apply for executive remission, but it does not grant an automatic right to discharge upon reaching that mark. The Supreme Court has repeatedly affirmed that accrued remissions do not terminate a sentence without an explicit order under constitutional provisions such as Articles 72 or 161.

Furthermore, the legal concept of the "appropriate government" limits single-state jurisdiction. If an offense occurred within Chandigarh, involved central agencies such as the CBI or NIA, or was prosecuted under specialized federal statutes, the Punjab state administration does not possess unilateral authority to grant a release. Instead, jurisdiction rests with federal authorities or the specific state where the conviction was handed down, such as Delhi or Karnataka. Transferring an inmate to a local facility for administrative reasons does not shift legal jurisdiction over their sentence.

Broader Perspectives on Executive Remission and Public Policy

There is a recognized consensus among legal analysts that administrative authorities should process mercy, parole, and remission applications in a timely, transparent manner, as prolonged administrative delay creates legal uncertainty for all parties involved. Standard reviews appropriately consider factors such as an inmate's age, institutional behavior, health status, and rehabilitation progress.

At the same time, legal scholars, public safety officials, and victim advocates emphasize that decisions regarding executive clemency must balance these factors against the severity of the original crime, the impact on victims' families, national security assessments, and the risk of glorifying past violent acts.

The ongoing debate over the "Bandi Singhs" reflects deeper questions regarding how the events of past decades are remembered within Punjab's political discourse. While civil organizations emphasize humanitarian considerations for aging inmates, state authorities and judicial bodies continue to navigate these cases through formal legal processes, highlighting the challenge of balancing executive discretion, statutory requirements, and public security.