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Satyaagrah

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रमजान में रील🙆‍♂️

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Men is leaving women completely alone. No love, no commitment, no romance, no relationship, no marriage, no kids. #FeminismIsCancer

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"We cannot destroy inequities between #men and #women until we destroy #marriage" - #RobinMorgan (Sisterhood Is Powerful, (ed) 1970, p. 537) And the radical #feminism goal has been achieved!!! Look data about marriage and new born. Fall down dramatically @cskkanu @voiceformenind

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Feminism decided to destroy Family in 1960/70 during the second #feminism waves. Because feminism destroyed Family, feminism cancelled the two main millennial #male rule also. They were: #Provider and #Protector of the family, wife and children

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Statistics | Children from fatherless homes are more likely to be poor, become involved in #drug and alcohol abuse, drop out of school, and suffer from health and emotional problems. Boys are more likely to become involved in #crime, #girls more likely to become pregnant as teens

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The kind of damage this leftist/communist doing to society is irreparable- says this Dennis Prager #leftist #communist #society #Family #DennisPrager #HormoneBlockers #Woke


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“Hype can’t replace real votes”: Prashant Kishor’s Jan Suraaj Party suffers a shocking Bihar defeat with zero seats despite big media buzz, bold promises and a long padyatra, raising doubts about trust and leadership among voters

Many people thought Prashant Kishor’s loud and active campaign — along with his long yatra across the state — would at least make a small dent in someone’s vote share.
 |  Satyaagrah  |  News
Media hype doesn’t turn into votes: As Prashant Kishor’s Jan Suraaj Party gets nothing, here’s why ‘Kingmaker’ image and big claims failed with voters
Media hype doesn’t turn into votes: As Prashant Kishor’s Jan Suraaj Party gets nothing, here’s why ‘Kingmaker’ image and big claims failed with voters

The Bihar Assembly election results turned into a hard reality check for Prashant Kishor and his Jan Suraaj Party (JSP). Even though the party contested 239 out of 243 seats, it still failed to open its account. Not a single one of its candidates won.

As the counting concluded on Friday, 14th November, the final numbers showed Jan Suraaj receiving only around 2–3% of the total votes, and its overall vote share across Bihar stood at 3.4%. Out of all the candidates fielded, only one managed to reach the second position, 115 candidates finished third, and 122 candidates stood below third place.

To put it simply, the party did not come close to being a winner, a runner-up, or even the “vote cutter” that some political observers believed it would become. Many people thought Prashant Kishor’s loud and active campaign — along with his long yatra across the state — would at least make a small dent in someone’s vote share. But this expectation also fell flat. The party’s vote share went only a little above NOTA, which itself got 1.8% of the votes.

For a leader who spent more than two years travelling across Bihar, speaking at events, giving interviews, and staying constantly in the media spotlight, the final results looked nowhere close to the buzz created around him. The contrast between the popularity seen on television and social media and the actual votes on polling day was too large to ignore.

The massive attention PK received never changed into real votes

Once the results came out, one thing became very clear: the heavy media hype around Prashant Kishor did not translate into support from actual voters. For months before the election, television channels, YouTube platforms, and political commentators projected him as a serious challenger with a ‘kingmaker’ aura. They treated him as someone who could unexpectedly change Bihar’s political mood. This came largely from his successful image as a political strategist who had helped many parties win major elections across India.

However, the Bihar results showed that being popular in interviews, podcasts, and social media clips does not automatically convert into votes at the polling booth. Most of the buzz around Jan Suraaj came from discussions, debates, and online coverage. PK’s statements often made headlines and kept him in the limelight, but when the ballots were counted, the enthusiasm seen online simply did not match the ground reality.

“Debut election” excuse falls weak: PK has been active in politics for years

Some people supporting Jan Suraaj tried to present the poor showing as a natural result of facing their “first election.” But this argument does not fit well in Prashant Kishor’s case. He is not a newcomer stepping into politics for the first time. He has been a strong presence in Indian politics for more than ten years.

Prashant Kishor became widely known after his role in Narendra Modi’s Gujarat campaign in 2012, which gained huge success. His strategic work also had an important impact on the BJP’s massive 2014 Lok Sabha victory. Later, he switched sides and helped the Mahagathbandhan in Bihar win big in the 2015 Assembly election. He also guided Captain Amarinder Singh in Punjab, Jagan Mohan Reddy in Andhra Pradesh, MK Stalin in Tamil Nadu, and Mamata Banerjee in West Bengal, and all of them went on to win their elections.

PK even joined the JD(U) in 2018, became its national vice president, and played a role in improving the party’s performance in the 2019 Lok Sabha election. With such deep and long involvement in Indian politics, it is difficult to call this his “debut.” Bihar voters never saw him as a fresh face; they saw him as someone who had already been part of the system for many years.

Other new parties performed much stronger in their first elections

There are many examples from different states where new political parties performed far better during their debut elections. The most famous example is the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), which made a surprising and powerful entry into Delhi politics. In its very first Assembly election in 2013, AAP won 28 seats, defeating the expectations of both the BJP and Congress.

In smaller states too, regional parties like the Sikkim Democratic Front (SDF) quickly built strong support and became dominant forces in early years. These examples show that it is possible for a new party to perform well in its first attempt if people find the party trustworthy and promising. When compared to these cases, Jan Suraaj’s failure to secure even a single seat clearly shows that Bihar voters did not feel confident enough to give Prashant Kishor a chance.

Why Kishor’s media attention failed to convert into public support

For more than two years, Prashant Kishor travelled through Bihar, held discussions, met people, and spoke about issues like unemployment, migration, and education. He gave interviews to national and regional media outlets and appeared in many YouTube conversations. His padyatra drew respectable crowds, and online viewers saw him as a leader with a strong understanding of Bihar’s issues.

But the results showed that the publicity did not make an impact on polling day. Many political analysts believe that Kishor’s campaign created noise but not trust. A lot of people were expecting him to contest the election himself, but he refused to stand as a candidate. This confused many and raised doubts about whether he was serious about entering the political battlefield. Some of his bold statements — such as predicting that Nitish Kumar would not return to power or claiming he would leave public life if JD(U) crossed 25 seats — also turned voters against him. These comments angered many JD(U) supporters and even undecided voters, who ended up voting more strongly for their own party.

PK’s habit of giving non-stop interviews and making big promises kept him in the news, but it also made some voters feel that he was more focused on building his personal image rather than building a strong organisation at the ground level.

A campaign of huge promises, but no reflection on polling day

The Jan Suraaj campaign had several major ideas at its centre. One of the most widely discussed promises was PK’s claim that he would end Bihar’s liquor ban “within an hour” of coming to power. He argued that the ban did not work and instead gave rise to black markets and illegal networks. His team claimed that lifting the ban would help Bihar earn ₹28,000 crore every year, and that this money could be directed towards improving education, welfare, and administrative systems in the state.

He also spoke about giving loans to women, offering bigger pensions to older people, generating employment for youth, and replacing caste-based politics with merit-based politics. His party introduced candidates from various backgrounds such as Bhojpuri artists, retired government officials, teachers, and former political leaders. But even with these big ideas and diverse candidates, none of it got transformed into votes on the day of polling. Voters did not consider Jan Suraaj a reliable or practical option in comparison to long-established parties.

Counting day delivers the hardest blow to JSP

On counting day, the results painted a very different picture compared to the confident speeches and claims made throughout the campaign season. Jan Suraaj could not win even one seat. Its candidates stayed far behind in almost all constituencies. The JD(U), which Kishor had firmly predicted would perform badly, actually achieved a much stronger result by winning 42 more seats than it did in the 2020 Assembly election. This meant the exact opposite of PK’s predictions came true.

Earlier, when asked what he would do if the party failed, Kishor had said that he committed 10 years of his life to Bihar and would continue working for another five years even if the results were disappointing. Now that the election verdict has been announced, the real test in front of him is whether he will stay patient and continue his political journey, or whether Jan Suraaj will eventually become another example of a political project that attracted huge hype but faded quickly in reality.

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