Taiwan, one of the world’s leading semiconductor hubs and a consistent supporter of Ukraine in its war with Russia, has now quietly turned into the largest global importer of Russian naphtha, a petroleum derivative vital for producing chemicals used in chip and electronics manufacturing.

This revelation has caused global concern, since Taiwan had officially joined Western sanctions against Moscow and imposed export restrictions on high-tech goods to block their use in Russia’s military.

According to a report by the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA) released on 1 October 2025, Taiwan imported $1.3 billion worth of Russian naphtha in the first six months of 2025. On average, its monthly imports were nearly six times higher than the 2022 average. Compared with the same period in 2024, Taiwan’s naphtha imports rose by 44%, reflecting that demand has only grown, even as the world pushes to cut energy trade with Russia.

Since 2022, Taiwan has spent over $11 billion on fossil fuel products from Moscow. Much like Western powers that often criticize India for buying Russian oil while continuing their own imports, Taiwan has also maintained a balancing act — issuing public statements backing Ukraine and condemning Russia, but in practice securing its own energy needs through cheap petroleum products.

How Taiwan became Russia’s largest naphtha customer

Since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Taiwan has repeatedly expressed strong political support for Kyiv. Just this week, its foreign minister Lin Chia-lung signed an agreement in Poland to provide humanitarian aid for Ukrainian children affected by the war.

Behind the scenes, however, Taiwan’s petrochemical sector remains dependent on Russian supply. CREA data shows that since 2022, Taiwan has imported 6.8 million tonnes of Russian naphtha worth $4.9 billion, amounting to almost 20% of Russia’s total naphtha exports.

On 2 October, Taiwan’s Ministry of Economic Affairs stated that state-owned firms had stopped buying crude oil from Russia in 2023. It further clarified that Taiwan has also stopped exporting key high-tech products to Russia. In its words:

“As international sanctions continue to expand, the ministry will further review relevant control measures and engage with domestic companies on compliance, while continuing to work with international partners to demonstrate its firm resolve to oppose aggression and uphold the international order.”

Experts explain that this contradiction stems from Taiwan’s energy dependency. Nearly 97% of Taiwan’s total energy is imported, placing it among the most energy-dependent economies in Asia. This vulnerability is also seen as a major strategic risk, particularly if a conflict erupts with China, which continues to claim Taiwan as part of its territory.

Leading buyers of Russian energy in 2025

Although Taiwan now leads in Russian naphtha purchases, other countries remain significant customers of Moscow’s energy exports, underscoring that sanctions have not broken Russia’s global energy trade.

Between December 2022 and August 2025:

• China was the top buyer, accounting for 44% of Russia’s coal and 47% of its crude oil exports.

• India ranked second, taking 20% of coal and 38% of crude oil exports.

• Turkey purchased 11% of coal and 6% of crude oil.

• South Korea and Taiwan followed in coal imports with 10% and 4%, respectively.

For refined oil products, Turkey was the biggest customer at 26%, followed by China (13%), Brazil (12%), and Singapore (7%). In liquefied natural gas (LNG), the EU led with 50%, followed by China (21%) and Japan (18%). In pipeline gas, the EU again dominated at 35%, ahead of China (30%) and Turkey (28%).

In terms of trade value, China remained Russia’s largest energy customer until August 2025, making up 40% of Moscow’s total export revenues from its top five buyers. China imported around €5.7 billion worth of energy, largely crude oil (58%), followed by coal, gas, and refined products. India stood second at €3.6 billion, mostly crude oil, while Turkey, the EU, and South Korea followed.

This evidence highlights how countries critical of Moscow still rely heavily on Russian energy to meet domestic demand. It also proves a bigger truth: economic survival almost always takes precedence over moral grandstanding. Unlike India and China, who openly acknowledge their need for Russian imports, Western powers continue a double game — criticizing others while themselves buying billions worth of Russian energy, even as they send aid and weapons to Ukraine. In reality, they are financing both sides of the war.

Trump and G7 press Russia oil buyers harder

The growing energy buying between Russia and non-Western nations has drawn sharp attention in Washington. U.S. President Donald Trump and the G7 finance ministers recently met virtually to coordinate actions aimed at “tightening pressure on Russia’s economy.”

In a joint statement released on 1 October, the G7 nations pledged to target “countries that continue to increase their purchases of Russian oil and those that facilitate circumvention” of sanctions. They also raised the possibility of using tariffs, trade bans, and import restrictions to reduce Moscow’s revenues.

Although they didn’t name any specific country in that statement, India and China are widely viewed as the principal targets. In step with this strategy, the Trump administration has already imposed trade penalties. It slapped a 25% tariff on Indian imports linked to its purchase of Russian oil, sitting on top of the existing 25% general import tariff—effectively doubling the rate to 50% in August. This move has strained U.S.–India trade ties and suspended ongoing talks toward a free trade agreement.

Trump, however, has refrained from imposing similar tariffs on China, citing ongoing negotiations with Beijing on other economic matters. That selective application has drawn criticism and accusations of inconsistency in Washington’s policy.

Meanwhile, Europe’s continued dependence on Russian liquefied natural gas (LNG) complicates the moral position. Even under pressure, many EU nations still need Russian gas for energy security. Trump has chastised Ukraine for bombing a Russian pipeline supplying gas to Central Europe, calling the act counterproductive because it created energy shortages for allies.

At the same time, Trump’s Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent and Trade Representative Jamieson Greer have urged G7 partners to follow Washington’s lead and impose similar penalties on energy-trading countries such as India.

India stands firm: “Energy security is not negotiable”

In the face of escalating pressure from Washington and the West, India has taken a resolute stand: it will not halt imports of Russian oil.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his government have made it clear that India will prioritise energy security over external demands. Rather than scaling back, India’s refiners are planning to increase purchases of Russian crude, leveraging discounted rates and diversifying supply sources simultaneously.

Officials in New Delhi stress that this is not a political decision but an economic necessity. By obtaining cheaper oil, India has managed to contain inflation and protect its 1.4 billion citizens from the worst impacts of the global energy crisis. The government’s position underscores a guiding principle: India will act in its national interest despite Western virtue-signaling.

Jaishankar rebukes Western double standards

External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar has been especially outspoken in defending India’s energy choices. Speaking in Moscow on 22 August, he rejected claims that India was harming global stability. “We are not the biggest purchasers of Russian oil; that is China. We are not the biggest purchasers of LNG; that is the European Union. We are not the country which has the biggest trade surge with Russia after 2022,” he declared, calling it “perplexing” that India was singled out.

He also reminded the world that India's oil imports have, in fact, contributed to stabilising global energy markets. “We are a country where the Americans have said for the last few years that we should do everything to stabilise the world energy market, including buying oil from Russia. Incidentally, we also buy oil from the US, and that amount has increased. So honestly, we are very perplexed at the logic of the argument,” he added.

In a later address, Jaishankar delivered a pointed message: “If you don’t like it, don’t buy it. But Europe buys, America buys. If you don’t like it, don’t buy from us.” Those words struck a nerve about the double standards at play. While Europe continues importing Russian LNG and the U.S. still procures Russian uranium, India is under pressure to cut its ties.

PM Modi’s resolute reply

Prime Minister Modi has also laid down his position clearly. “The pressure on us may increase, but we will bear it all.” He stressed that the interests of farmers, small and medium industries, and ordinary citizens come first. For Modi, securing affordable energy is non-negotiable—no amount of external pressure can override this national priority.

This strong stance is backed by solid data. India currently imports over a million barrels of Russian crude per day, much of which is discounted compared to international benchmarks. A recent report suggests that a barrel of Urals crude is priced $3–$4 below Brent.

India’s Petroleum Minister Hardeep Singh Puri has added that India has diversified its sources — now getting oil from nearly 40 countries, up from 27 earlier — giving the country greater flexibility against global disruptions. This wider sourcing, he notes, strengthens India’s energy security and reduces its exposure to geopolitical risk.

The global energy map is shifting fast. Taiwan’s expanding imports of Russian naphtha show that energy dependence can override declared political alignment. Meanwhile, Washington’s targeting of nations like India reveals cracks in the Western coalition on how to counter Russia’s influence.

But India’s message is clear and steady: national interests come first. Whether it is keeping energy affordable, stabilising the economy, or safeguarding supply chains, New Delhi refuses to bow to external pressure. It will continue to act in line with the needs of its people and the strength of its economy.